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Hospital prices diverge wildly, U.S. data show

Written By kolimtiga on Kamis, 09 Mei 2013 | 23.50

New Medicare data reveal wildly varying charges among the nation's hospitals for 100 of the most common in-patient treatments and procedures, calling into question medical billing practices just as U.S. officials try to rein in rising costs.

The escalating price of medical care may complicate the rollout of the new federal healthcare law, which is designed to make health insurance affordable for millions of uninsured Americans next year. And federal officials said they hope the data will encourage more price competition and make consumers better healthcare shoppers.

In the Los Angeles area, for instance, one hospital's average price for knee and hip replacements in 2011 was as high as $223,373. That's seven times as much as the lowest charge of $32,022 in the Southland.

The average hospital charge for treating pneumonia ranged from $17,000 to nearly $70,000 in the L.A. area.

"We want to shine a much brighter light on practices that don't seem to make sense to us," said Jonathan Blum, deputy administrator for the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. "We do not see any business reason for why there is so much variation in the data."

QUIZ: How much do you know about healthcare?

Hospitals said they support efforts to simplify an overly complex medical billing system and arm consumers with more information. The California Hospital Assn. agreed, but warned that the newly available federal data "may confuse patients as well as the public."

Health-policy experts called the government's move to release prices from more than 3,000 U.S. hospitals unprecedented in its scope, and they said it could accelerate related efforts to pry more detailed cost information from health insurers and other medical providers.

Many employers and consumers still struggle to unravel the closely guarded secrets of medical pricing even though they are being asked to shell out ever-increasing amounts for care.

Medicare and private insurers pay only a fraction of these billed charges disclosed by the government. Regardless of the bills, Medicare pays standardized amounts for specific conditions, and insurers negotiate lower rates.

Nonetheless, experts say the actual amounts insurers and consumers pay follow a similar pattern of wildly divergent prices with little correlation to the quality of patient care or the underlying costs.

"This is evidence of an incredibly dysfunctional and arbitrary pricing system in healthcare," said Renee Hsia, an assistant professor of emergency medicine at UC San Francisco who studies these cost variations. "It affects us all because the insured pay for this through their premiums and the uninsured face the sticker price. People are really being hurt by this."

Critics say hospitals benefit from inflating these listed prices because some health insurers still peg their reimbursement to a percentage of full charges. They also say hospitals gain from higher charges by taking credit for writing off larger amounts for low-income and uninsured patients.

"There's an incentive to have your charge as high as possible," said Ateev Mehrotra, a policy analyst for Santa Monica-based Rand Corp.

The American Hospital Assn. said it supports efforts at greater transparency and noted that more than 40 states, including California, already require or encourage pricing information to be reported publicly.

"The complex and bewildering interplay among charges, rates, bills and payments across dozens of payers, public and private, does not serve any stakeholder well, including hospitals," said Rich Umbdenstock, chief executive of the hospital trade group.

Researchers have documented for years some of the surprising variations in medical costs across the country and within the same city. But this move by Medicare marked the first time so much data on the topic were released directly to the public.

There are valid reasons for some disparity in costs, researchers say, such as geographic differences in the cost of living and wages or the fact that teaching hospitals bear additional costs. Some hospitals also treat a higher percentage of low-income or sicker patients.

In Wednesday's data, two Southern California hospitals held the dubious distinction of billing the highest amounts nationwide for a joint replacement surgery without complications.

Monterey Park Hospital charged $223,373 on average, and Centinela Hospital Medical Center in Inglewood billed $220,881.

In contrast, L.A. County Harbor/UCLA Medical Center posted the lowest local rate — charging $32,022 for new artificial hips and knees.

Officials at Monterey Park couldn't be reached. A spokesman for Prime Healthcare's Centinela Hospital said the higher rate reflects "a sicker and older patient population" compared with other area hospitals.

Similar price disparities were seen in the treatment of simple pneumonia in the Southland. Providence Holy Cross Medical Center in Mission Hills billed $69,574, on average, for treating pneumonia without complications, federal data show. At the low end, L.A. County/USC Medical Center billed $19,852, on average, for that illness, and Citrus Valley Medical Center charged $17,174.

As policyholders' deductibles have risen and they have more of their own money at stake, insurers have introduced new online tools enabling members to get a range of prices among network providers. But consumer advocates still see significant resistance among hospitals and insurers to disclose detailed information.

"Everybody in the industry is so scared about what it would mean if all the pricing information was available," said Suzanne Delbanco, executive director of Catalyst for Payment Reform, an employer-backed group in San Francisco pushing for more healthcare transparency. "Medicare is sending a message that American consumers have a right to know what's driving up their healthcare costs."

chad.terhune@latimes.com

ben.poston@latimes.com


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Immigration reform divides Republicans

WASHINGTON — The immigration reform bill crafted by a bipartisan group of senators has deeply split the Republican minority even as lawmakers prepare to take the first votes on the proposal Thursday.

Alabama's Republican Sen. Jeff Sessions, a conservative former prosecutor with a courtly drawl, has emerged as the leading opponent of the bill. He is aiming at his GOP colleagues with unusual zeal, and calls out the architects of the bill as, essentially, dishonest.

"Sen. Flake is wrong: It's not a 13-year path to citizenship or welfare," blared one recent missive from Sessions targeting Arizona's Republican senator, Jeff Flake, who helped draft the legislation. "The mass legalization occurs immediately."

Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida, another Republican author of the bill, punches back almost daily with his own "Myth vs. Fact" campaign, separating what he considers truth and fiction in the immigration debate — with much of the latter attributed to his fellow Republicans.

"MYTH: This bill will hurt American workers," reads one recent entry fingering Sessions as the perpetrator.

Republicans are not accustomed to this sort of public infighting, especially in the Senate.

But recent elections changed that as the dominance of the GOP's right flank grew. At the same time, its leaders have sought to broaden the party's appeal to minority and female voters, who have recoiled from the right turn.

The immigration debate splits Republicans with an emotional tone not apparent in recent rifts on the budget and other top issues.

A growing coalition of religious and business leaders has rallied around the argument that newcomers bring many benefits to the nation. On the other side, supporters of more restrictive policies see high levels of immigration as a drag on the wages of U.S. workers and a threat to the country's traditional culture.

"Our duty is to represent the people that are here, the people whose parents fought the wars and made America great first," Sessions said Wednesday as he walked through the Senate halls. "And even though we have sympathy for the people who want to come here — and even those who've been here a long time illegally, we have sympathy for them — we need to be sure that what we do does not place our workers, our people who need jobs, at an adverse advantage."

"I believe that's the moral position. I believe that's the right legal position," he said.

The divide within the party will be on full display Thursday as the Senate Judiciary Committee begins the painstaking task of reviewing the 844-page bill and debating amendments, which is expected to take the rest of the month.

The bipartisan proposal drafted by four Republican and four Democratic senators involves complex trade-offs. It would beef up security on the Southwestern

border to prevent future illegal crossings and create new guest-worker programs, particularly for low-skilled labor. Employers would be required to verify the legal status of all workers.

Within 13 years, most of the estimated 11 million people who have entered the country illegally or overstayed visas would eligible for citizenship if they pay back taxes, fines and fees. Some immigrants who work in agriculture or who were brought to this country as minors and now serve in the military or attend college could begin the legalization process sooner.

Hundreds of amendments have been proposed. Some Republicans have proposed changes that would gut the overhaul. Some Democrats would extend immigration rights to gay couples, a move others in their party oppose because it would cost crucial GOP support.

But it is the Republican feud that is the most stark.

The party's leadership has embraced reform, believing it will help Republicans with Latino voters, who have tilted heavily toward Democrats in recent national elections — dramatically so in President Obama's reelection.

"The fact of the matter is, some of our friends are on the wrong side of the line," said one Republican aide, who asked for anonymity to discuss the party tensions. "They get hit with some of the shrapnel."

Sessions has attacked the bill in the same vigorous way he pushed for convictions as a U.S. attorney in Alabama.


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Details emerge as Cleveland kidnapping suspect is charged

CLEVELAND — The man charged with kidnapping and raping three young women imprisoned in his Cleveland home for years is a "big bully" who apparently used chains and ropes to restrain his victims and let them outside just two times, to go into the garage, police said Wednesday as more details emerged about the accused's violent past.

Ariel Castro was to make his first court appearance Thursday morning, but his two brothers arrested with him this week — Pedro, 54, and Onil, 50 — were not charged and appear to have known nothing about their sibling's secret life, Deputy Police Chief Ed Tomba said.

Ariel Castro, 52, was charged Wednesday with three counts of rape and four counts of kidnapping. The kidnapping counts relate to the abductions of Michelle Knight in 2002, Amanda Berry in 2003, Gina DeJesus in 2004 and to the daughter born to a captive Berry six years ago. The rape counts refer to the women, who escaped Monday evening.

Photos: Three missing women found in Cleveland

Tomba said Castro had waived his right against self-incrimination and had provided a detailed statement. Asked at a news conference about Pedro and Onil, Tomba said there was "absolutely" no indication they knew what was going on inside their brother's rundown house with the small American flag flying outside.

"There is nothing that leads us to believe they were involved or they had any knowledge of this, and that comes from statements of our victims, and their statements and their brother's statements. Ariel kept everybody at a distance," he said.

Later, Tomba described Ariel Castro as "the big bully" of his brothers. "You didn't get into his house," he added. "This guy, he ran the show. He … acted alone." Tomba said DNA had been taken from Castro to determine whether he was the father of Berry's young daughter.

The two brothers were to appear in court Thursday in connection with some outstanding misdemeanor warrants but could go free immediately afterward.

Officials refused to comment on some local media accounts, including that there were multiple pregnancies among the women during their captivity, that Berry gave birth in a plastic baby pool, and that Knight helped to deliver the infant and Castro threatened to kill her if the child died.

Cleveland's WKYC news quoted a police report as saying that the newborn stopped breathing, so Knight placed her mouth over the baby's and "breathed for her." Knight also told police that she became pregnant but was starved and repeatedly punched in the stomach until she miscarried, the report said.

Neither the women nor Berry's child was allowed to see a doctor, and officials said the women recalled being let out of the house only twice in all the years they were held. They never were permitted off the property, Tomba said, and they used hats and wigs found in the basement when they went into the garage.

As the horrors endured since their abductions became clearer, the women — two of them teenagers when they vanished — began trying to adjust to their new lives. It wasn't easy, as well-wishers and media thronged their family's homes, which are within a few miles of where they were kidnapped and where they were held captive.

Chants of "Gina! Gina!" rose as DeJesus, 14 when she vanished, emerged from a sport utility vehicle and rushed into her parents' home, her face obscured by a hooded sweat shirt, after flashing a thumbs-up sign. DeJesus did not speak, but her parents, Nancy and Felix, came outside to say that they had never stopped believing she would come home.

"I knew my daughter was out there alive. I knew she needed me, and I never gave up," her father told the jubilant crowd.

Berry, 16 when she vanished and the woman who led the rush out of Castro's home on Monday, also did not speak as she was ushered into the home of her sister, Beth Serrano. Yellow ribbons were tied to the trees and the front of the house was festooned with balloons, stuffed animals and a huge banner proclaiming: "WELCOME HOME AMANDA."

"I just want to say we are so happy to have Amanda and her daughter home," Serrano told the crowd outside.

Knight, 20 when she vanished, remained hospitalized in good condition.

The image that neighbors had of Ariel Castro, as a friendly man who enjoyed playing bass guitar in a local band, was in sharp contrast to the portrait that emerged from court documents and from interviews of an abusive and vindictive man who for years beat up the mother of his children and threatened to kill her, and who frightened her out of testifying about his abuse to a grand jury.

Grimilda Figueroa, who had three daughters and one son with Castro between 1981 and 1990, said in various court documents that in the years they were together, he twice broke her nose and fractured some ribs, knocked out one of her teeth and dislocated each of her shoulders. According to court records and interviews, a grand jury in 1994 was to hear testimony from Figueroa, but she backed out.

In a sworn affidavit later, Figueroa said Castro offered her money and a car to keep quiet. "He also told me, 'You know what will happen to you if you do testify,'" Figueroa said in the affidavit. "I knew that he would find me and assault me again. … I was unable to offer my testimony before the grand jury. I did not tell anyone about the threats."

The case was dropped. Figueroa said Castro attacked her again as she recovered from a surgery and kicked her in the head, at which point she moved out of their Cleveland house. About that time, in 1995, she met Fernando Colon, a security guard at a hospital. Colon, in a telephone interview, said Figueroa had injuries from Castro's abuse.

"When I saw her with the injuries and coming to the appointment … I offered her my help," he said. Colon and Figueroa eventually moved in together and had a son in 1998. They never married, but Colon said Castro always resented him.

"He was kind of upset about it, because I took the only thing he could control and abuse," Colon said. Figueroa died in 2012, and her lawyer could not be reached for comment.

The startling triple escape this week raised hopes among the families of other missing Cleveland women that Castro could help solve those cases. Among the missing is Ashley Summers, who was 14 when she disappeared in 2007 in the same area as the other abductions.

Asked about Summers, Tomba said: "As of right now, we don't anticipate any other victims where he is the suspect."

alana.semuels@latimes.com

tina.susman@latimes.com

Semuels reported from Cleveland and Susman from New York. Times staff writers Ari Bloomekatz, Michael Muskal and Matt Pearce in Los Angeles contributed to this report.


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Bay Bridge retrofit plan addresses failed bolts

OAKLAND — State and regional transportation officials announced plans Wednesday for a retrofit to the new eastern span of the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge that will cost up to $10 million and effectively do the job of nearly 100 massive bolts that failed earlier this year.

Questions remain, however, about whether the world's largest single-tower, self-anchored suspension span will open on Labor Day weekend as planned. The new span will replace the one that partially collapsed in the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake.

"We believe the work can get done by Labor Day, but it will require extra shifts and perhaps a 24-hour-a-day operation and that will cost more money," Steve Heminger, executive director of the Metropolitan Transportation Commission, told the Bay Area Toll Authority Oversight Committee.

The thick steel bolts — which are 17 feet to 24 feet long — connect the bridge deck to so-called shear keys, which are designed to control movement during an earthquake. They were part of a batch manufactured and galvanized in 2008 and installed on the span, which has been in the works for years and has ballooned in cost to $6.4 billion.

When the 96 bolts, which were embedded in concrete and impossible to remove, were tightened earlier this year, a third of them broke, leaving the seismic safety of the massive endeavor in question.

That batch of bolts has been deemed too compromised to rely on.

The wild card, Heminger said, is whether bolts made from similar steel in 2010 — some equally large and some much smaller — will also have to be replaced before the bridge opens or simply monitored after the fact.

Commissioners were filled in Wednesday on the planned retrofit as well as a battery of tests being conducted on the bolts made in 2010.

Those bolts, which are accessible and can be swapped out for others, have not yet broken. "The longer they are not doing that, the more daylight we are seeing between the 2008 bolts and the 2010 bolts," Heminger said. A decision will probably be made by month's end on the bolts and the opening date.

In addition to Heminger, presenters included Andre Boutros, executive director of the California Transportation Commission, and Malcolm Dougherty, director of the California Department of Transportation. Their three organizations jointly oversee the bridge project.

Boutros said the group had opted for one of two finalists for the retrofit — a steel saddle that must be fabricated and will be clamped down on top of the shear key plates with tensioned cables. Another option, for a larger steel collar, would have cost as much as $20 million.

Caltrans has come under fire for using the galvanized steel bolts. U.S. industry standards and Caltrans' own guidelines warn against galvanizing the specific grade of steel used due to its hardness and tendency to break under extreme tension.

The massive bolts failed due to a phenomenon called hydrogen embrittlement, in which hydrogen atoms invade the spaces between the steel's crystalline structure and weaken it. That may have occurred during galvanization, or when the bolts sat for years untightened in casings that filled with water.

Caltrans has said that it asked the manufacturer to use a galvanization process less likely to cause hydrogen embrittlement but that in retrospect it should have tested the bolts more thoroughly in the lab before installing them.

When asked why Caltrans deviated from its own specifications, which warn against galvanizing this type of steel, Brian Maroney, deputy toll bridge manager at Caltrans, said that in his 25 years of bridge engineering, "every single project has special provisions, because those standards don't really fit and you have to come up with a technical solution.

"The Bay Bridge," he added, "has many, many, many special deviations away from the standard."

lee.romney@latimes.com


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Former Lt. Gov. Abel Maldonado criticizes Brown's prison policy

SACRAMENTO — Saying there is a "pretty good shot" he'll run for governor, former Lt. Gov. Abel Maldonado on Wednesday kicked off a drive against Gov. Jerry Brown's handling of prison crowding, labeling Brown's policies an "early release" program.

The Republican from Santa Maria, who lost a bid for Congress last year, said he was launching a campaign to repeal the governor's prison policies, implemented in late 2011 to meet court-ordered population limits in state lockups.

"Today will be the beginning [of the] end of early release," Maldonado declared at a news conference staged on the windy top of a parking garage, a made-for-TV shot of the state Capitol behind him. Beside him was an oversized placard bearing the image of an accused murderer whose case, it turned out, was unrelated to the new corrections law.

Maldonado said he was forming a political committee to gather signatures to put a repeal measure on next year's ballot. He is seeking to capitalize on the controversy over Brown's requirement that counties begin housing lower-level felons and parole violators who in the past would have done that time in prison.

Maldonado acknowledged that he does not have the financial backing for a statewide signature drive. Nor does he have his own plan to address prison crowding, although he said such a plan would probably include construction of new facilities.

That was a strategy pursued by then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, who appointed Maldonado to the empty lieutenant governor post in 2009. Though the Legislature approved $4.1 billion in borrowing, when Brown took office amid a budget crisis, he canceled most of those planned projects.

The 2011 law that Maldonado denounces is called "realignment" by the Brown administration. In areas where the jails are full, it has led to early releases, though there is no statewide tally of those because county jail reports collected in Sacramento have not been updated since June 2012.

Maldonado blamed Brown, along with the Democratic-controlled Legislature, for what he said was a rise of violent crime in California, though he offered no statistics to support the claim.

"This is the biggest issue — it threatens the lives of Californians," he told The Times. "This notion of families being afraid to go out on the street, being afraid of parking garages, families who are just afraid.

"The governor uses a fancy word called realignment," Maldonado said. "At the end of the day, it's early release.... A shell game is what it is."

On Wednesday, Maldonado pointed to a larger-than-life police mug of Jerome Anthony Rogers, 57, who is accused of murdering a 76-year-old San Bernardino woman, and recounted Rogers' history of "sodomizing a 14-year-old girl."

Rogers' alleged crime appeared to have little or no connection with realignment. California corrections officials said he was released from state prison in 2000 and finished parole in 2003, eight years before Brown's policy change took effect.

San Bernardino County corrections officials confirmed that Rogers, who has pleaded not guilty to murder in the woman's slaying, had no other criminal record in San Bernardino until December 2012, when he was sentenced to, and served, 13 days in jail for failing to register his address as a transient sex offender. That time behind bars occurred one month after the slaying.

A Maldonado advisor said Wednesday that Rogers' case was touted because "he is a prime example" of the public safety threat created by prison realignment.

"It's people like him who are being released," said the advisor, Jeffrey Corless. He could not specify, however, what about Rogers would put him in that category.

Maldonado's event attracted a representative from the Brown administration, corrections department spokesman Jeffrey Callison, who took issue with use of the term "early release."

"It's quite simple," Callison said. "There is no early release program called realignment. Realignment is not an early release program. There are no early releases as part of it."

paige.stjohn@latimes.com

seema.mehta@latimes.com

St. John reported from Sacramento and Mehta from Long Beach.


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Iranian presidential candidates register for June election

Written By kolimtiga on Rabu, 08 Mei 2013 | 23.50

TEHRAN — Iranian presidential candidates began registering Tuesday for the national election next month to choose a successor to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Although there has been considerable political suspense over who will run, voter enthusiasm has appeared lukewarm as many Iranians are focused on economic survival in a nation battered by Western sanctions.

About two dozen potential presidential hopefuls have emerged publicly so far. Office-seekers must register by Saturday to be considered for inclusion on the ballot.

The June 14 presidential election will be the first since the disputed 2009 balloting, when Ahmadinejad won a second term amid vote-rigging allegations that triggered massive street protests. The reformist leaders from 2009 remain under house arrest.

Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has made it clear that 2009-style chaos will not be tolerated. Several conservative candidates close to Khamenei are considered early favorites to succeed Ahmadinejad, who is barred by law from seeking a third term.

Among those registering Tuesday were Hassan Rowhani, who formerly headed Iran's nuclear negotiating team. In comments to reporters, Rowhani pledged to pursue "diplomatic engagement" and seek progress on stalled nuclear talks with world powers.

Iran faces a looming confrontation with the West and Israel about its controversial nuclear program. Iran says its nuclear efforts are for peaceful purposes, but U.S. officials suspect that Iran may be seeking atomic weapons capability.

As election day nears, there is considerable intrigue about the prospective candidacies of several high-profile political figures.

A major question is whether either of two former presidents — Ayatollah Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami — would seek the office again. Both are considered moderates.

Many are also watching to see if Ahmadinejad's close aide, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, will enter the race. The president has lost favor with many but is keen to preserve his influence after leaving office.

To be on the ballot, all candidates must pass muster with the powerful Guardian Council, made up of clerics and jurists.

Mostaghim is a special correspondent. Times staff writer Patrick J. McDonnell in Beirut contributed to this report.


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Smashed U.S. cars get second chance in Afghanistan

HERAT, Afghanistan — They sit in the sun harboring their lost histories, their forgotten dreams, their traces of funerals, graduations and stolen kisses. On dusty windshields, insurance stickers from Travelers and State Farm bear witness to wrecks in "Metro DC," "Hardin, Texas," and "North Hollywood," some with bright orange "total loss" decals.

For their former owners, that was it, nothing left but a story to recount of a corner rounded too quickly, a red light run, one too many drinks for the road.

But here on the highway to Iran, thousands of used cars from America and Western Europe begin a second life.

Afghanistan doesn't manufacture its own cars, or much else, so most vehicles sold here are "pre-owned" (and many pre-crashed — but with barely a dent thanks to deft repair work by local body shops).

Most begin their journey by ship to a new world of unpaved roads, kidnappers and Islamist militants after being auctioned to middlemen by U.S. or European insurers. The vehicles land in Dubai or other ports and are then transferred onto other ships bound for Pakistan or — after being resold to circumvent U.S. and European sanctions — Iran.

The final leg of their trip to this "graveyard of empires" (and Toyota Corollas) is via transport truck.

American brands don't sell as well as Japanese and are hard to find parts for, said Abdullah, a salesman with Herat's Tamin Ansar Autos who, like many Afghans, uses only one name. "I know one guy who sells Fords," he said. "He sold them very cheap. They use too much gas."

Musty interiors reveal vestiges of former lives, from sweat-stained lumbar supports and air-freshener strips to coffee-stained upholstery and shag carpeting.

Dealers in this Muslim country are careful to remove such potentially offensive hitchhikers as liquor bottles and pork-sandwich wrappers. "No one worries if 'infidels' drove them, as long as they're cleaned," said car-lot owner Abdul Aziz, 35.

Some lots sport frayed colored flags and one has a rusting model airplane out front, but there isn't much devoted to marketing, as evidenced by dealers who apparently see insurance "collision" stickers as a point of pride.

Prices range from $15,000 for late-model used Toyotas to $2,500 for aging wrecks. Unlike their American cousins, most northern European cars here aren't accident victims and thus command higher prices.

"I think Germans and Swiss must be better drivers, neater, more law abiding," Aziz said as a chicken strutted past. "Americans have that cowboy history."

Used-car importing became a lucrative business after Taliban rule ended in late 2001. But uncertainty tied to the departure of foreign combat troops in 2014 is now hurting the Afghan economy.

On a recent Friday, normally the week's busiest shopping day, a handful of shoppers browsed the half-mile strip of 30 or so used-car lots lining both sides of the road a few miles west of Herat.

"We have nothing but time," said Aziz, watching as his 3-year-old son, Omar, and friend Kaihan, 8, took one of his cars for a spin. Kaihan sat atop a booster on the driver's seat, and Aziz said Omar also sometimes took the wheel. Sure, he said, the kids are too young for driver's licenses, but they stay inside the lot and have never had an accident.

Three years ago, customers snapped up two or three of the road warriors a day, dealers say. Now two weeks can pass without a sale.

Sangin, 40, said he's lucky to clear $50 a month as both salesman and security guard, compared with $200 a couple of years back.

"People are worried about the future," he said, standing near a Toyota 4Runner bearing Virginia safety stickers splattered with bird poop. "They're just not spending."

Amid a sea of Corollas sit a few used trucks, Korean ambulances and high-end SUVs. "I don't deal with warlord customers," Abdullah said. "Besides, most don't buy used cars. Armored vehicles are specially ordered." Toyota Land Cruisers and Lexus are the models of choice, with most "hardened" in Dubai, United Arab Emirates.

Shams, 33, pulled into the Baharan Jadid Auto Co. lot on a dented motorbike and looked over a Suzuki sedan without air conditioning for $3,000 as salesman Rahmatullah popped open a hood to reveal a dust-caked engine. Shams then considered a nearby air-chilled sedan for $500 more.


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Pakistan bombing again targets Islamist party

ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — For the second day in a row, a bomb blast killed and maimed participants at a campaign rally being held by one of Pakistan's Islamist religious parties, indicating a broadening of targets in the violence that has primarily taken aim at secular parties competing in parliamentary elections scheduled for Saturday.

Two bombings Tuesday killed at least 15 people and injured more than 40 at campaign rallies in northwestern Pakistan, including one being held by a religious party, Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam, authorities said. They were the latest in a wave of attacks, largely attributed to the Taliban, that have been aimed at derailing the elections.

Also on Tuesday, cricket-star-turned-politician Imran Khan suffered a minor head injury after falling from a forklift platform that was raising him to a stage at a rally in the eastern city of Lahore. Khan, whose party is expected to be a major force in the elections, fell 15 to 20 feet. Waleed Iqbal, a leader of Khan's Movement for Justice party, said Khan was conscious and in stable condition at a hospital.

An aide, Asad Umar, said Khan got several stitches but was "in high spirits."

Khan's party, which has called for dialogue with militants, has been spared the attacks that have been directed at several of the country's secular, liberal parties and which had previously excluded religious parties, some of which have long-standing ties with Taliban leaders.

However, the Taliban has condemned the entire electoral process as un-Islamic, and warned voters to stay away from the polls Saturday. The attacks against Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam make it clear that religious parties have also now become targets.

A bomb that detonated Monday at the party's rally in the Kurram tribal region killed 25 people and injured 70. The Pakistani Taliban claimed responsibility for that blast.

On Tuesday, authorities said an attacker on a motorcycle drove up to a market in Hangu where a Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam provincial assembly candidate was holding a rally and detonated his explosives. At least 10 people died and 35 were injured. No group immediately claimed responsibility. The candidate, Mufti Said Janan, suffered minor injuries, police said.

Later Tuesday, a bomb killed five people and injured six at a small campaign rally held by a Pakistan People's Party provincial assembly candidate in the Lower Dir region of northwestern Pakistan, authorities said. It was not known whether the candidate, Zameen Khan, was injured, but his brother, Zahir Shah, was killed. Police said a homemade bomb was detonated near Shah's car.

Pakistani Taliban leaders have specifically said they would target candidates and election offices of the Pakistan People's Party, which has ruled the country for five years and is overseen by President Asif Ali Zardari.

Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam is led by Maulana Fazlur Rehman, an Islamist hard-line cleric who has been critical of Pakistan's alliance with the United States and is an outspoken proponent of the Afghan Taliban. Despite his opposition to the U.S. and Zardari, Rehman has also been the target of militant violence. In 2011, a suicide bomber tried to assassinate him in a bombing that killed 12 people in the northwestern city of Charsadda. Rehman was not hurt.

Militant attacks on candidates and their rallies have overshadowed campaigning in what will be Pakistan's first democratic transfer of governance from one civilian administration to another. The country has a long history of military takeovers and politically motivated ousters.

Almost all of the campaign violence in the country's volatile northwest has been directed at the Awami National Party, a liberal anti-Taliban group that has governed Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province for five years. The party's candidates have abandoned the tactic of holding large public rallies and have limit their campaigns to door-to-door canvassing and small meetings in heavily secured locations.

Despite the violence, the federal government says it will not postpone the elections. It plans to deploy 600,000 security personnel to safeguard 73,000 polling stations nationwide.

alex.rodriguez@latimes.com

Special correspondent Nasir Khan in Islamabad contributed to this report.


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U.S. and Russia to seek Syria peace talks

MOSCOW — The United States and Russia agreed Tuesday to try to bring together the government of Syrian President Bashar Assad and the opposition for peace talks, signaling a potential breakthrough in long-stalled diplomatic efforts to end a bloody conflict that threatens to destabilize the entire region.

The proposed peace conference, announced by Secretary of State John F. Kerry and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov after a day of talks, appeared to reflect a softening of Russia's staunch support of Assad.

"I would like to emphasize that we … are not interested in the fate of certain persons," Lavrov told reporters. "We are interested in the fate of the total Syrian people."

Lavrov said the U.S. and Russia were committed to a deal that would guarantee the "sovereignty and territorial integrity" of Syria and would follow the approach of a diplomatic agreement worked out by world powers last year.

"We are convinced that this will be the best and shortest way to resolve the Syrian crisis," he said.

The developments in Moscow seemed to signal a revival of the so-called Geneva communique, agreed to in June at a special meeting of the "Action Group for Syria" convened by Kofi Annan, the former United Nations-Arab League special envoy.

The communique's road map for a peaceful political transition in Syria was sidelined amid differences between Moscow and Washington on a fundamental issue: the future of Bashar Assad. Before the Geneva session, then-Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton had pushed for an explicit guarantee that Assad would have to relinquish power, but Russia balked.

The final communique called for a transitional governing structure in Syria, with full executive powers, created with "mutual consent." At Russia's insistence, the communique specified that the transitional Syrian administration could include members of the current government and the opposition, although U.S. officials insisted that the "mutual consent" language basically meant Assad had to go.

But the process never got underway, and the violence has accelerated, leaving more than 70,000 dead, according to U.N. estimates.

Forcing Assad's removal remains a formidable hurdle for Moscow, one that looms large in any prospective peace plan that may emerge from the latest U.S.-Russian initiative.

But Moscow's softening position now may reflect a growing urgency in finding a diplomatic solution at a moment when it appears Syria's 2-year-old civil war could explode into a regionwide proxy struggle entangling the United States, Israel, Russia, Iran and its neighboring states. The Obama administration has been threatening in recent days to increase its military role in support of the rebels, and over the weekend, Israel reportedly struck Syrian targets twice.

Yet it remains unclear whether the two sides will be able to bring together Assad, who has insisted he would never surrender his post, and the rebels, who have refused to negotiate with him.

Lavrov and Kerry provided no immediate details on how they hoped to overcome those obstacles. Kerry said world powers had no choice but to apply all possible pressure.

"The alternative is that there is even more violence," Kerry told reporters. "The alternative is that Syria heads closer to the abyss, if not over the abyss, and into chaos."

Lavrov suggested that the rebels might be the holdouts.

"The opposition has not yet expressed its adherence to settlement based on the Geneva communique, and the opposition has not yet named a negotiator on its behalf," Lavrov said.

Kerry said they hoped to bring together the meeting "as soon as practical" — perhaps by the end of the month.

In Washington, President Obama, facing criticism that he has fallen short of his commitments on Syria, promised that he would follow through as he had in killing Osama bin Laden and ousting former Libyan leader Moammar Kadafi.

"I would just point out that there have been several instances during the course of my presidency where I said I was going to do something, and it ended up getting done," Obama said during a White House news conference with South Korean President Park Geun-hye.

He said that there have been times when there had been "folks on the sidelines wondering why" a promise hadn't been fulfilled by a certain date.

"But in the end, whether it's Bin Laden or Kadafi, if we say we're taking a position I would think at this point the international community has a pretty good sense that we typically follow through on our commitments," he said.

Obama said that "understandably, there's a desire for easy answers." But he said he was measuring decisions "not based on a hope and a prayer but on hard-headed analysis in terms of what will actually make us safer and stabilize the region."

He repeated that he would move carefully in determining whether chemical weapons had been used by the Syrian regime, a move he has said would be a "red line" for his administration. He said he couldn't reach a decision based on the "perceived" use of such weapons.

sergei.loiko@latimes.com

paul.richter@latimes.com

Loiko reported from Moscow and Richter from Washington. Times staff writer Patrick J. McDonnell in Beirut contributed to this report.


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DWP average pay rose 15%, despite flagging economy

Average employee pay at the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power rose 15% over the last five years, despite an economic slump that ravaged the city's budget, records released Tuesday show.

DWP workers received significantly more generous pay increases than other city workers, who received an average raise of 9% over the same period.

The median household income for Los Angeles residents — the public utility's customers — fell over roughly the same period, from $48,882 in 2008 to $46,148 in 2011, the latest year for which U.S. census numbers are available. By contrast, the average DWP pay rose from $88,299 in 2008 to $101,237 in 2012. DWP pay grew at about three times the rate of inflation in the Greater Los Angeles Area.

DWP compensation has become a central issue in the May 21 mayoral election, in which there has been much debate over whether the city's labor contracts are too costly given the fiscal problems that have resulted in major cuts in services.

The union representing most of the DWP's workers has become the single biggest source of campaign cash in the race, giving $1.45 million to an independent effort backing City Controller Wendy Greuel.

The only pay growth comparable to the DWP came at the city Fire Department, where average total salary and other payments also rose 15% over the five years to $132,131. But officials note that about 300 positions were cut from the Fire Department in that period, which required increased overtime payments to fill positions.

The firefighters' union, which is also backing Greuel, has spent about $250,000 on her campaign.

Average Los Angeles police officer pay increased by 2% over the same period, The Times analysis found.

The Times requested the DWP pay data in early February. Agency administrators repeatedly postponed the release, saying more time was needed to ensure that disclosing the information would not endanger employees.

The state of California, Los Angeles County and the city of Los Angeles routinely release their payroll with employees' names. Courts have allowed rare exceptions when employees' safety might be put in danger, such as undercover police officers and people who have restraining orders against potentially violent stalkers.

The DWP was poised to release the data last week. But the employees' union sued the agency, seeking more time for its roughly 8,000 members to object to the disclosure of their names. At a Los Angeles County Superior Court hearing Tuesday, the city attorney's office said it found 112 employees who may have restraining orders. An additional 357 are on disability leave and might not be aware of the pending release of information, Chief Deputy City Atty. William Carter told the court.

After the hearing, the union and the DWP agreed to release the pay data without names. Both sides are due in court again Wednesday to argue over disclosing employees' identities with their earnings.

The union may have relented because keeping the information secret has become a public relations problem, turning a once coveted political backing into a potential liability, said Jaime Regalado, professor emeritus of political science at Cal State L.A. "It looked really bad that they were trying to block access to their incomes," he said.

And the timing of the pay increases probably won't play well, he said. "The fact that they were those five years, when virtually all other city workers had to bite the bullet, it looks bad."

The $101,237 average pay covers more than 10,000 employees, including temporary workers and full-time staffers. They range from the highest-paid engineers to line workers to customer service representatives.

DWP spokesman Joseph Ramallo attributed the pay increases to a range of factors including cost-of-living adjustments and variations in annual overtime payments.

The Times analysis found average base pay at the DWP increased 19% over the five-year period. Unused vacation time payouts for retiring employees jumped 32%. And "other pay", which includes disability payments and compensation for unused sick time, rose 46%.

Overtime, which Ramallo said is driven mostly by responding to storm damage, was 22% lower in 2012 than it had been in 2008.

Last week, the Times reported that the DWP's average worker pay was $99,308 in 2011, the most recent data available at the time. That was more than 50% higher than other city employees. Also, DWP employees were paid about 25% more than workers at comparable public and private utilities, according to a report commissioned by the City Council last year. In addition, agency employees receive free healthcare benefits.

The report set off a frenzy of finger-pointing by Greuel and her rival, Councilman Eric Garcetti, who blamed each other for the agency's comparatively high pay.

Greuel noted that Garcetti voted for two sets of DWP raises in 2005 and 2009. Garcetti pointed out that Greuel voted for the 2005 raise too, and didn't have a vote in 2009 because she left the City Council to become controller.

On Tuesday, Greuel spokeswoman Laura Wilkinson accused Garcetti of championing the "reckless" 2009 raise, which came at a time when city residents "could least afford it." In the same period, funding for firefighters and 911 emergency response service was being slashed, she said.

Garcetti spokesman Jeff Millman said the 15% raises at the municipal utility are "exactly why the DWP [union] is spending a record amount of money to buy this election for Wendy Greuel, to protect the status quo."

Dan Schnur, director of the Jesse M. Unruh Institute of Politics at USC, said the candidates should tell voters how they would negotiate a new contract as mayor to fix the problem.

"Each candidate has been very specific about what their opponent did wrong on this issue in the past," he said. "These numbers should push the discussion toward what they'll do if elected."

jack.dolan@latimes.com

Times staff writer Doug Smith contributed to this report.


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Serving their country, losing their jobs

Written By kolimtiga on Selasa, 07 Mei 2013 | 23.50

The jobs of the nation's citizen soldiers are supposed to be safe while they are serving their country: Federal law does not allow employers to penalize service members because of their military duties.

Yet every year, thousands of National Guard and Reserve troops coming home from Afghanistan and elsewhere find they have been replaced, demoted, denied benefits or seniority.

Government agencies are among the most frequent offenders, accounting for about a third of the more than 15,000 complaints filed with federal authorities since the end of September 2001, records show. Others named in the cases include some of the biggest names in American business, such as Wal-Mart and United Parcel Service.

With good jobs still scarce in many states, the illegal actions have contributed to historically high joblessness among returning National Guard and Reserve members — as high as 50% in some California units — and created a potential obstacle to serving.

"The whole point of the National Guard and reserves, how they save the country money, is they get paid only when they are serving," said Sam Wright, director of the Service Members Law Center at the Reserve Officers Assn. "It's a great deal for the country, but if we don't protect their civilian jobs … they aren't going to volunteer and serve."

Veterans' advocates say that the heavy use of the nation's citizen-soldiers to fight the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan placed a burden on employers in a tough economy. Even as 11 years of war wind down, Guard and Reserve members are being called up for peacekeeping and other duties around the world.

The Uniformed Services Employment and Reemployment Rights Act, a 1994 law that strengthened job protections for returning troops first introduced during World War II, requires that service members are reemployed in the type of position they would have attained if they had not been called to active duty.

Just how many service members are being denied jobs illegally is impossible to know. The nonpartisan Government Accountability Office estimated in 2005 that fewer than a third of service members with complaints seek help from the government. Many don't file lawsuits, either.

Even so, the Labor Department and Office of Special Counsel, which investigate complaints for possible prosecution, have seen cases surge from 848 in fiscal 2001 to 1,577 in the 12 months ending in September 2011. Last year, the agencies handled 1,436 new cases, according to preliminary figures.

A Defense Department program that tries to mediate disputes handled 2,884 cases in fiscal 2011 alone, including 299 that went to the Labor Department when they could not be resolved informally.

Although the law says the federal government should be a "model employer," federal agencies accounted for nearly 20% of the formal complaints in fiscal 2012, about twice the share recorded in 2007. The departments of Defense and Veterans Affairs lead the way with 105 and 47 complaints respectively.

President Obama instructed federal agencies last July to intensify efforts to ensure compliance. But officials say it has been a challenge to ensure that supervisors working at offices across the country are familiar with the requirements.

Obtaining redress can take months, if not years. For service members, the experience can be a maddening double-blow.

Lt. Col. Pierre Saint-Fleur, a former Fresno County mental health worker who deployed three times to Iraq as a military chaplain, said he was forced into early retirement because of his service in the California National Guard. He protested to the Labor Department's Veterans' Employment and Training Service but said he was told the case had no merit.

"I felt betrayed," Saint-Fleur said. "This same government that called me to go into harm's way, into a war zone, failed me when I got back and lost my job."

Saint-Fleur said he had no problem getting rehired after he demobilized in 2008. But he said he quickly saw that he was no longer welcome at the Department of Children and Family Services, where he had worked as a counselor for 18 years.

Instead of getting his old office back, he was given a desk in what he described as a trailer, with no privacy for counseling patients — a situation he feared could cost him his license. He said his work was criticized, his authority was reduced to the level of a student intern and a fraud investigation was opened alleging that he had been overbilling patients — claims he said were baseless.

"I had no choice but to leave," he said.

Only after hiring a private attorney did he win a $100,000 settlement, court and county records show. The county did not admit fault in the 2010 settlement. Fresno County officials did not return calls seeking comment.

Government agencies and Fortune 500 companies — especially defense contractors — are major employers of people who serve in the armed forces and might be expected to experience the most disputes. State and local governments accounted for more than 20% of the complaints last year and private companies nearly 60%.


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Israel says strikes in Syria target arms for Hezbollah

JERUSALEM — With three airstrikes against Syria since January, Israel has inserted itself forcefully into the "Arab Spring's" most intractable conflict, heightening fears that Syria's civil war could spiral into a regional conflagration.

The bombings of targets near the Syrian capital — including two strikes in a 48-hour period beginning Friday — represent a risk-laden strategy based on the calculation that retaliatory attacks against Israel by Syria or its allies are unlikely. Still the bombings inevitably raised the specter of a broader regional war in the heart of the volatile Middle East.

But even as some Israeli officials quietly confirmed their military's involvement in Sunday's predawn assault on a reported weapons compound, they insisted their goals are narrow and portrayed the engagement as defensive and largely unrelated to the more-than-two-year uprising against the rule of Syrian President Bashar Assad.

Rather than trying to weaken Assad or tilt the scales for either side, Israelis say they have an eye on the prospective next war — against the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, which is backed by both Iran and Syria.

The aim of the airstrikes, Israeli officials say, is to prevent Syria's advanced weaponry, much of it made in Iran, from being transferred to Lebanon and into the armories of Hezbollah.

"If we don't take action now, we will be on the receiving end of those missiles," said a senior Israeli government official who declined to be named because Israel has not officially confirmed unleashing the attacks. "We have to act to guarantee our security, and that applies to Syria and Iran."

Despite acknowledging Israel's role in the aerial strikes, the official would not specify the targets. He said Sunday's foray was aimed at preventing Hezbollah from adding a new kind of missile capability to its already sizable arsenal, which reportedly includes tens of thousands of rockets, some capable of carrying heavy payloads deep into Israel.

Israeli and U.S. news reports have suggested that one target was a facility housing either Iranian-made Fateh-110 surface-to-surface missiles or their Syrian counterpart, the M-600.

The Syrian Foreign Ministry, in a letter of protest to the United Nations, said Israeli missiles on Sunday struck three military sites — in the Damascus suburb of Jamraya, where a sprawling defense research complex is situated; in Maysaloun, close to the Lebanese border; and at a "paragliding airport" in Al-Dimas, also near the Lebanese frontier. The bombings caused an unspecified number of deaths and "widespread destruction," the Foreign Ministry said. Syria vowed to strike back but provided no details.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has repeatedly warned Syria that transferring chemical or advanced weapons to Hezbollah would be a red line as far as Israel is concerned. But with Assad's survival uncertain, Israeli analysts say that Hezbollah and Iran feel an urgency to transfer sophisticated weapons to Lebanon.

In Syria, where the thunderous explosions shook the capital early Sunday, officials sought to cast the Israeli "aggression" as a propaganda victory — evidence of Damascus' longtime assertion that the rebellion is in fact choreographed from Washington and Israel, and features an alliance of Al Qaeda-linked rebels, Israel and the West. The attacks were portrayed by the official news agency as a desperate bid to raise the morale of rebel "gunmen" dispirited after a series of recent battlefield losses.

A Foreign Ministry official in Damascus told CNN that the attacks were a "declaration of war."

Syrian opposition figures contacted did not want to be associated with an attack by Israel. "I don't think Israel would do us a favor," said one opposition activist in Damascus.

For the time being, the strikes seemed unlikely to affect the course of the Syrian conflict, now in its third year

According to Syrian officials, the Jamraya defense compound that was hit Sunday was targeted by Israel in a Jan. 30 airstrike, its first aerial attack during the Syrian civil conflict.

The targeting suggests that Israeli officials view the Jamraya compound — situated about 20 miles from the Lebanese border — as a crucial distribution center for armaments headed to Hezbollah.

Some reports from Syria indicated that the targets included not only the Hezbollah arms pipeline but also Republican Guard bases, antiaircraft batteries and other more traditional military sites. Such targeting, if confirmed, would seem to blur the line between Israel's avowed noninvolvement in Syria's civil war and its determination to stop weaponry destined for Hezbollah.

Among the lingering questions about the weekend raids was whether Israeli jets entered Syrian airspace or instead fired rockets from positions above neighboring Lebanon. Authorities in Beirut have complained of stepped-up Israeli violations of Lebanese airspace.

Despite the clear risk of retaliation, Israeli officials seem confident that both the Syrian government and Hezbollah are too preoccupied with Assad's struggle for survival to open a new front with Israel. Hezbollah has acknowledged dispatching some fighters to Syria to battle rebels.

Any attack on Israel probably would trigger a devastating Israeli response. The Israeli bombing campaign during the 2006 war with Hezbollah resulted in massive damage to militant strongholds in southern Beirut and elsewhere. Iran picked up much of the reconstruction tab.


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Tiny Julian sticks by its volunteer fire department

JULIAN, Calif. — To the outside world, this mountain hamlet in northeast San Diego County is best known for apple pie, snow during the holiday season and bed-and-breakfasts that cater to romantic flatlanders.

For many of its 1,500 residents, however, the essence of their community is represented not by the delights that await tourists but by the dedication and heroism of the volunteer fire department that has guarded their homes and businesses for four decades.

In Southern California's never-ending fight against backcountry, wind-driven brush fires, Julian is on the front lines.

So when officials from the San Diego County Fire Authority came to Julian with an offer — more money for station operations and vehicle maintenance, two full-time, professional firefighters, better training for volunteers and better coordination with surrounding fire agencies — the terms were enticing. Volunteers could remain if they could pass new physical fitness standards.

But in exchange for additional county support, the Julian-Cuyamaca Fire Protection District, like the other small fire departments, would be required to dissolve as a stand-alone agency with its own locally elected board and cede control to the county Board of Supervisors, 70 miles away.

"If you want the money, you've got to be part of the team," said Supervisor Dianne Jacob.

The Fire Authority approach to regional consolidation was adopted in 2008 after a series of fires destroyed thousands of homes in the eastern and northern stretches of the county, as well as inside the San Diego city limits. The fires highlighted the problems of fire protection provided by a patchwork of independent agencies.

Although she understands the pull of local control, Jacob thinks the Fire Authority offer provides better fire protection, quicker response to medical emergencies and lower fire-insurance premiums for property owners.

There have been misgivings in other areas about their volunteer departments coming under the Fire Authority. But nowhere has the opposition been stronger than in Julian.

Meetings of the Julian board were heated as the community debated the offer. Friendships were broken. Disagreements could frequently be heard in the post office parking lot.

Finally, last month, the governing board deadlocked 2 to 2 — a rejection of county control. A fifth spot on the board, a potential tiebreaker, is vacant. But even when the vacancy is filled this summer, neither side is interested in revisiting the issue.

"As contentious as the issue was, I don't think any of us want to go through it again," said board President Jack Shelver, who supported accepting the Fire Authority offer even though, as a retired city manager from Lemon Grove, he describes himself as "a local-control kind of guy."

Volunteer fire departments are a defining feature not just of Julian but of much of San Diego County.

About 400 volunteer firefighters, spread among 30 stations and 10 departments, protect 60% of the sprawling county, according to the nonprofit San Diego County Regional Fire Foundation.

The volunteers answer 6,000 medical and fire emergencies a year, said Frank Ault, the foundation's board chairman and also chairman of the Mt. Laguna Volunteer Fire Department. The foundation has provided more than $4 million to the volunteer departments for radios, thermal-imaging cameras, emergency lighting, saws, water rescue gear, protective clothing and other equipment.

Volunteer firefighters "extinguish hundreds of brush fires annually, so they do not become the firestorms of 2003 and 2007," Ault said.

Civic memories are long in Julian, and the debate frequently referenced the early 1970s, when the county dropped its contract with the state for fire protection in the backcountry areas.

Alone among major California counties, San Diego County does not have its own fire department. The Fire Authority is a loose confederation whose chief works for the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection, the state fire protection agency.

"We started the Julian department with a lot of used equipment and dedicated people when the county government turned its back on us," said Marie Hutchinson, 70, who was a volunteer firefighter in Julian for 27 years and whose late husband was chief. "It's an integral part of the community, not just a few people."

Funds were raised through bake sales, pancake breakfasts and spaghetti dinners. Volunteers built the fire station. The department's No. 1 engine had been donated by a big-city department that considered it unusable.

The department has a small tax base and, even without joining the Fire Authority, gets a measure of financial support from the county government.

In 2003, when the Cedar fire came roaring from the Cleveland National Forest, Julian volunteers worked beside hundreds of firefighters from agencies throughout the state. Some 1,500 firefighters encircled the town.

A local highway is dedicated to the memory of Steve Rucker, a firefighter from Novato, Calif., who was killed in the Cedar blaze. His picture hangs in a place of honor in the Julian station.

Julian's three dozen volunteers battled the Cedar fire even though several lost their homes to flames. In 2007, during the Witch fire, the Julian volunteers again came running.

"Julian people are very passionate about their volunteer fire department," said Michael Hart, owner and co-publisher of the weekly Julian News. "When we call out the volunteers, we get 20 guys in a heartbeat."

Board member Janet Bragdon said she was tempted by the Fire Authority offer. But she was soured by the back-and-forth of negotiations with Fire Authority officials. In the end, the idea of ceding control to out-of-towners was too much.

"You could get people who don't know the area, don't know the calls," Bragdon said. "They're not community people — this is a community-oriented town up here. The good people of Julian are not going to let their fire department be dissolved."

tony.perry@latimes.com


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Eric Garcetti, Wendy Greuel find common ground in USC debate

Despite bitter attacks in recent weeks, the two candidates for mayor of Los Angeles grudgingly conceded in a debate Sunday night that their rival was (mostly) honest and not so different on many of the plans they have for leading the city.

That didn't mean City Councilman Eric Garcetti and Controller Wendy Greuel didn't find plenty of opportunity for attacks on each other's trustworthiness and independence. But they also laid out records that they said made them most qualified to replace Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, who is leaving office June 30 after serving the maximum two terms.

Greuel cited her audits of city departments and her experience developing housing and community programs, as a staffer for former Mayor Tom Bradley and, later, in the administration of President Clinton.

Garcetti repeated his admonition that voters look at improvements in his council district — from Hollywood to Silver Lake and Atwater Village. He stressed his work on the city's recent pension reform and presented a diverse public resume that includes service in the U.S. Naval Reserve.

The debate at USC's Galen Center was sponsored by the university and the Los Angeles Times and broadcast live on KTLA-TV (Channel 5). Co-moderators Jim Newton, the Times' editor-at-large, and Dan Schnur, director of the Jesse M. Unruh Institute of Politics at USC, attempted to cut through the recent attacks.

Newton noted the negative tone that has prevailed and asked each candidate whether they believed the other was "a dishonest person." They both said "No." But each couldn't resist adding caveats that made the other look like less than a pillar of rectitude.

After saying he "had a ton of respect" for Greuel, Garcetti added that heavy campaign spending on his opponent's behalf — by the union representing workers at the Department of Water and Power — was changing the dynamics of what should be a "democratic" election. "No one interest," Garcetti added, "should counterbalance the people's interest."

Greuel also said she would not call her opponent dishonest. She then added that Garcetti needed to come clean about ethics violations that she said were epitomized by his failure to properly disclose his family's oil lease for a property near Beverly Hills High School.

"I think it is important as we go forward to say who is going to be the trustworthy and clear leader," Greuel said.

The two candidates agreed on many issues Sunday as they have throughout much of the campaign. Both supported the idea of more frequent evaluations for public school teachers. Both described policies they had employed to make neighborhoods more pedestrian friendly.

Garcetti and Greuel said they supported federal immigration reform but opposed provisions that would limit funds for family reunification and limit the rights of same-sex partners.

About 20 minutes into the debate, moderator Schnur asked the two candidates whether they disagreed with any of the policy prescriptions that their rival had outlined so far. Both answered "No."

Among the new programs Garcetti, 42, said he would like to initiate were funding for summer jobs for all high school students who want them and to initiate a green energy program that he said could lead to as many as 20,000 jobs.

Garcetti said he would use federal community block grant funds to pay for jobs for an estimated 10,000 teenagers who applied but were not hired last summer. Greuel wondered what other block grant programs would have to be cut to make that happen.

Among his achievements, Garcetti cited a two-thirds drop in violent crime in his district, which he has represented for 12 years, and the creation of 31 new parks.

Greuel, 51, said she wanted to create a "tech fund" to assist new startups in the city. She also cited the dozens of audits her office has completed as evidence that she would be able to find savings to fund other city programs.

When the debate turned to job training, for instance, Greuel said she had audited the city's job training program and found that only 4% of the funds went to training and the rest to job placement. "Placement," she said incredulously, "at a time when we have no jobs."

She cited other audit findings that she said could produce real savings: the failure of the Department of Transportation to adequately collect parking ticket fines, waste in city employee's cellphone use and wasteful expenditures on gas for city vehicles.

Garcetti has mocked the controller's work, saying she had produced little real savings. But Greuel countered that, as controller, her job was to find problems. She faulted the council for not putting many of her recommendations into action.

"I work for the taxpayers of Los Angeles," Greuel said. "I don't work for anybody else."

Moderator Schnur asked Greuel about the historic nature of her campaign and whether voters should support her to elect the first woman mayor of Los Angeles.

"People need to judge me on what I've been able to accomplish," Greuel said, "but there is a historical nature to it."

"I met a little girl today, 6 years old, who said I understand that you might be the first woman mayor and her eyes lit up because I was going to be a role model for her," Greuel said. She also noted that, depending on the outcome of the May 21 election, the council could have no female members. As controller, she is only the second woman elected citywide.

Garcetti, who has an Italian last name, pointed out that he could also make a historic breakthrough — as the city's first elected Jewish mayor (one was appointed in the 1880s, but only for a year). As he has throughout the campaign, he noted that his father's parents both emigrated from Mexico and that it would be helpful to continue to have a mayor "who is Latino and speaks Spanish."

"What I've said is 'I don't want your vote because I'm Latino or Jewish. I don't want your vote because I speak Spanish,' " Garcetti said. "I want your vote because of my record

james.rainey@latimes.com

maeve.reston@latimes.com


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Smashed U.S. cars get second chance in Afghanistan

HERAT, Afghanistan — They sit in the sun harboring their lost histories, their forgotten dreams, their traces of funerals, graduations and stolen kisses. On dusty windshields, insurance stickers from Travelers and State Farm bear witness to wrecks in "Metro DC," "Hardin, Texas," and "North Hollywood," some with bright orange "total loss" decals.

For their former owners, that was it, nothing left but a story to recount of a corner rounded too quickly, a red light run, one too many drinks for the road.

But here on the highway to Iran, thousands of used cars from America and Western Europe begin a second life.

Afghanistan doesn't manufacture its own cars, or much else, so most vehicles sold here are "pre-owned" (and many pre-crashed — but with barely a dent thanks to deft repair work by local body shops).

Most begin their journey by ship to a new world of unpaved roads, kidnappers and Islamist militants after being auctioned to middlemen by U.S. or European insurers. The vehicles land in Dubai or other ports and are then transferred onto other ships bound for Pakistan or — after being resold to circumvent U.S. and European sanctions — Iran.

The final leg of their trip to this "graveyard of empires" (and Toyota Corollas) is via transport truck.

American brands don't sell as well as Japanese and are hard to find parts for, said Abdullah, a salesman with Herat's Tamin Ansar Autos who, like many Afghans, uses only one name. "I know one guy who sells Fords," he said. "He sold them very cheap. They use too much gas."

Musty interiors reveal vestiges of former lives, from sweat-stained lumbar supports and air-freshener strips to coffee-stained upholstery and shag carpeting.

Dealers in this Muslim country are careful to remove such potentially offensive hitchhikers as liquor bottles and pork-sandwich wrappers. "No one worries if 'infidels' drove them, as long as they're cleaned," said car-lot owner Abdul Aziz, 35.

Some lots sport frayed colored flags and one has a rusting model airplane out front, but there isn't much devoted to marketing, as evidenced by dealers who apparently see insurance "collision" stickers as a point of pride.

Prices range from $15,000 for late-model used Toyotas to $2,500 for aging wrecks. Unlike their American cousins, most northern European cars here aren't accident victims and thus command higher prices.

"I think Germans and Swiss must be better drivers, neater, more law abiding," Aziz said as a chicken strutted past. "Americans have that cowboy history."

Used-car importing became a lucrative business after Taliban rule ended in late 2001. But uncertainty tied to the departure of foreign combat troops in 2014 is now hurting the Afghan economy.

On a recent Friday, normally the week's busiest shopping day, a handful of shoppers browsed the half-mile strip of 30 or so used-car lots lining both sides of the road a few miles west of Herat.

"We have nothing but time," said Aziz, watching as his 3-year-old son, Omar, and friend Kaihan, 8, took one of his cars for a spin. Kaihan sat atop a booster on the driver's seat, and Aziz said Omar also sometimes took the wheel. Sure, he said, the kids are too young for driver's licenses, but they stay inside the lot and have never had an accident.

Three years ago, customers snapped up two or three of the road warriors a day, dealers say. Now two weeks can pass without a sale.

Sangin, 40, said he's lucky to clear $50 a month as both salesman and security guard, compared with $200 a couple of years back.

"People are worried about the future," he said, standing near a Toyota 4Runner bearing Virginia safety stickers splattered with bird poop. "They're just not spending."

Amid a sea of Corollas sit a few used trucks, Korean ambulances and high-end SUVs. "I don't deal with warlord customers," Abdullah said. "Besides, most don't buy used cars. Armored vehicles are specially ordered." Toyota Land Cruisers and Lexus are the models of choice, with most "hardened" in Dubai, United Arab Emirates.

Shams, 33, pulled into the Baharan Jadid Auto Co. lot on a dented motorbike and looked over a Suzuki sedan without air conditioning for $3,000 as salesman Rahmatullah popped open a hood to reveal a dust-caked engine. Shams then considered a nearby air-chilled sedan for $500 more.


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Serving their country, losing their jobs

Written By kolimtiga on Senin, 06 Mei 2013 | 23.50

The jobs of the nation's citizen soldiers are supposed to be safe while they are serving their country: Federal law does not allow employers to penalize service members because of their military duties.

Yet every year, thousands of National Guard and Reserve troops coming home from Afghanistan and elsewhere find they have been replaced, demoted, denied benefits or seniority.

Government agencies are among the most frequent offenders, accounting for about a third of the more than 15,000 complaints filed with federal authorities since the end of September 2001, records show. Others named in the cases include some of the biggest names in American business, such as Wal-Mart and United Parcel Service.

With good jobs still scarce in many states, the illegal actions have contributed to historically high joblessness among returning National Guard and Reserve members — as high as 50% in some California units — and created a potential obstacle to serving.

"The whole point of the National Guard and reserves, how they save the country money, is they get paid only when they are serving," said Sam Wright, director of the Service Members Law Center at the Reserve Officers Assn. "It's a great deal for the country, but if we don't protect their civilian jobs … they aren't going to volunteer and serve."

Veterans' advocates say that the heavy use of the nation's citizen-soldiers to fight the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan placed a burden on employers in a tough economy. Even as 11 years of war wind down, Guard and Reserve members are being called up for peacekeeping and other duties around the world.

The Uniformed Services Employment and Reemployment Rights Act, a 1994 law that strengthened job protections for returning troops first introduced during World War II, requires that service members are reemployed in the type of position they would have attained if they had not been called to active duty.

Just how many service members are being denied jobs illegally is impossible to know. The nonpartisan Government Accountability Office estimated in 2005 that fewer than a third of service members with complaints seek help from the government. Many don't file lawsuits, either.

Even so, the Labor Department and Office of Special Counsel, which investigate complaints for possible prosecution, have seen cases surge from 848 in fiscal 2001 to 1,577 in the 12 months ending in September 2011. Last year, the agencies handled 1,436 new cases, according to preliminary figures.

A Defense Department program that tries to mediate disputes handled 2,884 cases in fiscal 2011 alone, including 299 that went to the Labor Department when they could not be resolved informally.

Although the law says the federal government should be a "model employer," federal agencies accounted for nearly 20% of the formal complaints in fiscal 2012, about twice the share recorded in 2007. The departments of Defense and Veterans Affairs lead the way with 105 and 47 complaints respectively.

President Obama instructed federal agencies last July to intensify efforts to ensure compliance. But officials say it has been a challenge to ensure that supervisors working at offices across the country are familiar with the requirements.

Obtaining redress can take months, if not years. For service members, the experience can be a maddening double-blow.

Lt. Col. Pierre Saint-Fleur, a former Fresno County mental health worker who deployed three times to Iraq as a military chaplain, said he was forced into early retirement because of his service in the California National Guard. He protested to the Labor Department's Veterans' Employment and Training Service but said he was told the case had no merit.

"I felt betrayed," Saint-Fleur said. "This same government that called me to go into harm's way, into a war zone, failed me when I got back and lost my job."

Saint-Fleur said he had no problem getting rehired after he demobilized in 2008. But he said he quickly saw that he was no longer welcome at the Department of Children and Family Services, where he had worked as a counselor for 18 years.

Instead of getting his old office back, he was given a desk in what he described as a trailer, with no privacy for counseling patients — a situation he feared could cost him his license. He said his work was criticized, his authority was reduced to the level of a student intern and a fraud investigation was opened alleging that he had been overbilling patients — claims he said were baseless.

"I had no choice but to leave," he said.

Only after hiring a private attorney did he win a $100,000 settlement, court and county records show. The county did not admit fault in the 2010 settlement. Fresno County officials did not return calls seeking comment.

Government agencies and Fortune 500 companies — especially defense contractors — are major employers of people who serve in the armed forces and might be expected to experience the most disputes. State and local governments accounted for more than 20% of the complaints last year and private companies nearly 60%.


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Israel says strikes in Syria target arms for Hezbollah

JERUSALEM — With three airstrikes against Syria since January, Israel has inserted itself forcefully into the "Arab Spring's" most intractable conflict, heightening fears that Syria's civil war could spiral into a regional conflagration.

The bombings of targets near the Syrian capital — including two strikes in a 48-hour period beginning Friday — represent a risk-laden strategy based on the calculation that retaliatory attacks against Israel by Syria or its allies are unlikely. Still the bombings inevitably raised the specter of a broader regional war in the heart of the volatile Middle East.

But even as some Israeli officials quietly confirmed their military's involvement in Sunday's predawn assault on a reported weapons compound, they insisted their goals are narrow and portrayed the engagement as defensive and largely unrelated to the more-than-two-year uprising against the rule of Syrian President Bashar Assad.

Rather than trying to weaken Assad or tilt the scales for either side, Israelis say they have an eye on the prospective next war — against the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, which is backed by both Iran and Syria.

The aim of the airstrikes, Israeli officials say, is to prevent Syria's advanced weaponry, much of it made in Iran, from being transferred to Lebanon and into the armories of Hezbollah.

"If we don't take action now, we will be on the receiving end of those missiles," said a senior Israeli government official who declined to be named because Israel has not officially confirmed unleashing the attacks. "We have to act to guarantee our security, and that applies to Syria and Iran."

Despite acknowledging Israel's role in the aerial strikes, the official would not specify the targets. He said Sunday's foray was aimed at preventing Hezbollah from adding a new kind of missile capability to its already sizable arsenal, which reportedly includes tens of thousands of rockets, some capable of carrying heavy payloads deep into Israel.

Israeli and U.S. news reports have suggested that one target was a facility housing either Iranian-made Fateh-110 surface-to-surface missiles or their Syrian counterpart, the M-600.

The Syrian Foreign Ministry, in a letter of protest to the United Nations, said Israeli missiles on Sunday struck three military sites — in the Damascus suburb of Jamraya, where a sprawling defense research complex is situated; in Maysaloun, close to the Lebanese border; and at a "paragliding airport" in Al-Dimas, also near the Lebanese frontier. The bombings caused an unspecified number of deaths and "widespread destruction," the Foreign Ministry said. Syria vowed to strike back but provided no details.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has repeatedly warned Syria that transferring chemical or advanced weapons to Hezbollah would be a red line as far as Israel is concerned. But with Assad's survival uncertain, Israeli analysts say that Hezbollah and Iran feel an urgency to transfer sophisticated weapons to Lebanon.

In Syria, where the thunderous explosions shook the capital early Sunday, officials sought to cast the Israeli "aggression" as a propaganda victory — evidence of Damascus' longtime assertion that the rebellion is in fact choreographed from Washington and Israel, and features an alliance of Al Qaeda-linked rebels, Israel and the West. The attacks were portrayed by the official news agency as a desperate bid to raise the morale of rebel "gunmen" dispirited after a series of recent battlefield losses.

A Foreign Ministry official in Damascus told CNN that the attacks were a "declaration of war."

Syrian opposition figures contacted did not want to be associated with an attack by Israel. "I don't think Israel would do us a favor," said one opposition activist in Damascus.

For the time being, the strikes seemed unlikely to affect the course of the Syrian conflict, now in its third year

According to Syrian officials, the Jamraya defense compound that was hit Sunday was targeted by Israel in a Jan. 30 airstrike, its first aerial attack during the Syrian civil conflict.

The targeting suggests that Israeli officials view the Jamraya compound — situated about 20 miles from the Lebanese border — as a crucial distribution center for armaments headed to Hezbollah.

Some reports from Syria indicated that the targets included not only the Hezbollah arms pipeline but also Republican Guard bases, antiaircraft batteries and other more traditional military sites. Such targeting, if confirmed, would seem to blur the line between Israel's avowed noninvolvement in Syria's civil war and its determination to stop weaponry destined for Hezbollah.

Among the lingering questions about the weekend raids was whether Israeli jets entered Syrian airspace or instead fired rockets from positions above neighboring Lebanon. Authorities in Beirut have complained of stepped-up Israeli violations of Lebanese airspace.

Despite the clear risk of retaliation, Israeli officials seem confident that both the Syrian government and Hezbollah are too preoccupied with Assad's struggle for survival to open a new front with Israel. Hezbollah has acknowledged dispatching some fighters to Syria to battle rebels.

Any attack on Israel probably would trigger a devastating Israeli response. The Israeli bombing campaign during the 2006 war with Hezbollah resulted in massive damage to militant strongholds in southern Beirut and elsewhere. Iran picked up much of the reconstruction tab.


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Tiny Julian sticks by its volunteer fire department

JULIAN, Calif. — To the outside world, this mountain hamlet in northeast San Diego County is best known for apple pie, snow during the holiday season and bed-and-breakfasts that cater to romantic flatlanders.

For many of its 1,500 residents, however, the essence of their community is represented not by the delights that await tourists but by the dedication and heroism of the volunteer fire department that has guarded their homes and businesses for four decades.

In Southern California's never-ending fight against backcountry, wind-driven brush fires, Julian is on the front lines.

So when officials from the San Diego County Fire Authority came to Julian with an offer — more money for station operations and vehicle maintenance, two full-time, professional firefighters, better training for volunteers and better coordination with surrounding fire agencies — the terms were enticing. Volunteers could remain if they could pass new physical fitness standards.

But in exchange for additional county support, the Julian-Cuyamaca Fire Protection District, like the other small fire departments, would be required to dissolve as a stand-alone agency with its own locally elected board and cede control to the county Board of Supervisors, 70 miles away.

"If you want the money, you've got to be part of the team," said Supervisor Dianne Jacob.

The Fire Authority approach to regional consolidation was adopted in 2008 after a series of fires destroyed thousands of homes in the eastern and northern stretches of the county, as well as inside the San Diego city limits. The fires highlighted the problems of fire protection provided by a patchwork of independent agencies.

Although she understands the pull of local control, Jacob thinks the Fire Authority offer provides better fire protection, quicker response to medical emergencies and lower fire-insurance premiums for property owners.

There have been misgivings in other areas about their volunteer departments coming under the Fire Authority. But nowhere has the opposition been stronger than in Julian.

Meetings of the Julian board were heated as the community debated the offer. Friendships were broken. Disagreements could frequently be heard in the post office parking lot.

Finally, last month, the governing board deadlocked 2 to 2 — a rejection of county control. A fifth spot on the board, a potential tiebreaker, is vacant. But even when the vacancy is filled this summer, neither side is interested in revisiting the issue.

"As contentious as the issue was, I don't think any of us want to go through it again," said board President Jack Shelver, who supported accepting the Fire Authority offer even though, as a retired city manager from Lemon Grove, he describes himself as "a local-control kind of guy."

Volunteer fire departments are a defining feature not just of Julian but of much of San Diego County.

About 400 volunteer firefighters, spread among 30 stations and 10 departments, protect 60% of the sprawling county, according to the nonprofit San Diego County Regional Fire Foundation.

The volunteers answer 6,000 medical and fire emergencies a year, said Frank Ault, the foundation's board chairman and also chairman of the Mt. Laguna Volunteer Fire Department. The foundation has provided more than $4 million to the volunteer departments for radios, thermal-imaging cameras, emergency lighting, saws, water rescue gear, protective clothing and other equipment.

Volunteer firefighters "extinguish hundreds of brush fires annually, so they do not become the firestorms of 2003 and 2007," Ault said.

Civic memories are long in Julian, and the debate frequently referenced the early 1970s, when the county dropped its contract with the state for fire protection in the backcountry areas.

Alone among major California counties, San Diego County does not have its own fire department. The Fire Authority is a loose confederation whose chief works for the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection, the state fire protection agency.

"We started the Julian department with a lot of used equipment and dedicated people when the county government turned its back on us," said Marie Hutchinson, 70, who was a volunteer firefighter in Julian for 27 years and whose late husband was chief. "It's an integral part of the community, not just a few people."

Funds were raised through bake sales, pancake breakfasts and spaghetti dinners. Volunteers built the fire station. The department's No. 1 engine had been donated by a big-city department that considered it unusable.

The department has a small tax base and, even without joining the Fire Authority, gets a measure of financial support from the county government.

In 2003, when the Cedar fire came roaring from the Cleveland National Forest, Julian volunteers worked beside hundreds of firefighters from agencies throughout the state. Some 1,500 firefighters encircled the town.

A local highway is dedicated to the memory of Steve Rucker, a firefighter from Novato, Calif., who was killed in the Cedar blaze. His picture hangs in a place of honor in the Julian station.

Julian's three dozen volunteers battled the Cedar fire even though several lost their homes to flames. In 2007, during the Witch fire, the Julian volunteers again came running.

"Julian people are very passionate about their volunteer fire department," said Michael Hart, owner and co-publisher of the weekly Julian News. "When we call out the volunteers, we get 20 guys in a heartbeat."

Board member Janet Bragdon said she was tempted by the Fire Authority offer. But she was soured by the back-and-forth of negotiations with Fire Authority officials. In the end, the idea of ceding control to out-of-towners was too much.

"You could get people who don't know the area, don't know the calls," Bragdon said. "They're not community people — this is a community-oriented town up here. The good people of Julian are not going to let their fire department be dissolved."

tony.perry@latimes.com


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Eric Garcetti, Wendy Greuel find common ground in USC debate

Despite bitter attacks in recent weeks, the two candidates for mayor of Los Angeles grudgingly conceded in a debate Sunday night that their rival was (mostly) honest and not so different on many of the plans they have for leading the city.

That didn't mean City Councilman Eric Garcetti and Controller Wendy Greuel didn't find plenty of opportunity for attacks on each other's trustworthiness and independence. But they also laid out records that they said made them most qualified to replace Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, who is leaving office June 30 after serving the maximum two terms.

Greuel cited her audits of city departments and her experience developing housing and community programs, as a staffer for former Mayor Tom Bradley and, later, in the administration of President Clinton.

Garcetti repeated his admonition that voters look at improvements in his council district — from Hollywood to Silver Lake and Atwater Village. He stressed his work on the city's recent pension reform and presented a diverse public resume that includes service in the U.S. Naval Reserve.

The debate at USC's Galen Center was sponsored by the university and the Los Angeles Times and broadcast live on KTLA-TV (Channel 5). Co-moderators Jim Newton, the Times' editor-at-large, and Dan Schnur, director of the Jesse M. Unruh Institute of Politics at USC, attempted to cut through the recent attacks.

Newton noted the negative tone that has prevailed and asked each candidate whether they believed the other was "a dishonest person." They both said "No." But each couldn't resist adding caveats that made the other look like less than a pillar of rectitude.

After saying he "had a ton of respect" for Greuel, Garcetti added that heavy campaign spending on his opponent's behalf — by the union representing workers at the Department of Water and Power — was changing the dynamics of what should be a "democratic" election. "No one interest," Garcetti added, "should counterbalance the people's interest."

Greuel also said she would not call her opponent dishonest. She then added that Garcetti needed to come clean about ethics violations that she said were epitomized by his failure to properly disclose his family's oil lease for a property near Beverly Hills High School.

"I think it is important as we go forward to say who is going to be the trustworthy and clear leader," Greuel said.

The two candidates agreed on many issues Sunday as they have throughout much of the campaign. Both supported the idea of more frequent evaluations for public school teachers. Both described policies they had employed to make neighborhoods more pedestrian friendly.

Garcetti and Greuel said they supported federal immigration reform but opposed provisions that would limit funds for family reunification and limit the rights of same-sex partners.

About 20 minutes into the debate, moderator Schnur asked the two candidates whether they disagreed with any of the policy prescriptions that their rival had outlined so far. Both answered "No."

Among the new programs Garcetti, 42, said he would like to initiate were funding for summer jobs for all high school students who want them and to initiate a green energy program that he said could lead to as many as 20,000 jobs.

Garcetti said he would use federal community block grant funds to pay for jobs for an estimated 10,000 teenagers who applied but were not hired last summer. Greuel wondered what other block grant programs would have to be cut to make that happen.

Among his achievements, Garcetti cited a two-thirds drop in violent crime in his district, which he has represented for 12 years, and the creation of 31 new parks.

Greuel, 51, said she wanted to create a "tech fund" to assist new startups in the city. She also cited the dozens of audits her office has completed as evidence that she would be able to find savings to fund other city programs.

When the debate turned to job training, for instance, Greuel said she had audited the city's job training program and found that only 4% of the funds went to training and the rest to job placement. "Placement," she said incredulously, "at a time when we have no jobs."

She cited other audit findings that she said could produce real savings: the failure of the Department of Transportation to adequately collect parking ticket fines, waste in city employee's cellphone use and wasteful expenditures on gas for city vehicles.

Garcetti has mocked the controller's work, saying she had produced little real savings. But Greuel countered that, as controller, her job was to find problems. She faulted the council for not putting many of her recommendations into action.

"I work for the taxpayers of Los Angeles," Greuel said. "I don't work for anybody else."

Moderator Schnur asked Greuel about the historic nature of her campaign and whether voters should support her to elect the first woman mayor of Los Angeles.

"People need to judge me on what I've been able to accomplish," Greuel said, "but there is a historical nature to it."

"I met a little girl today, 6 years old, who said I understand that you might be the first woman mayor and her eyes lit up because I was going to be a role model for her," Greuel said. She also noted that, depending on the outcome of the May 21 election, the council could have no female members. As controller, she is only the second woman elected citywide.

Garcetti, who has an Italian last name, pointed out that he could also make a historic breakthrough — as the city's first elected Jewish mayor (one was appointed in the 1880s, but only for a year). As he has throughout the campaign, he noted that his father's parents both emigrated from Mexico and that it would be helpful to continue to have a mayor "who is Latino and speaks Spanish."

"What I've said is 'I don't want your vote because I'm Latino or Jewish. I don't want your vote because I speak Spanish,' " Garcetti said. "I want your vote because of my record

james.rainey@latimes.com

maeve.reston@latimes.com


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